It is not every day that competing political parties in Malawi say the same thing.
However, last week was one of those rare times that opposition parties unanimously condemned a perceived wrong by the governing Democratic Progressive Party’s six-month-old regime.
Last week, UTM Party and the United Democratic Front (UDF) publicly claimed that Vice-President Jane Ansah, a retired Justice of Appeal, is being victimised by President Peter Mutharika’s administration.
In a country where vice-presidents have become an endangered species, the two parties claimed Ansah’s office is being victimised through funding cuts, purported withdrawal of her security detail, irregular assumption of her constitutional functions by a subordinate official—notably Chief Secretary Justin Saidi; hence, undermining both protocol and constitutional order.
Compounding their damning claims were rumours propelled by Zimbabwean journalist Hope Chinono that Mutharika has secretly asked Ansah to resign from her office.
What later followed was a three-page public statement authored by Saidi refuting the claims as unfounded and baseless.
The top civil servant said Ansah is discharging her constitutional duties, including attending Cabinet meetings and contributing towards the country’s governance.
Saidi further said adjustments made to the budget of the Office of the Vice-President mirror are part of broader fiscal consolidation measures being implemented across all ministries, departments and agencies.
He said: “The recent reassignment of functions such as the Department of Disaster Management Affairs (Dodma) and Public Sector Reforms to the Office of the President and Cabinet (OPC) also resulted in a corresponding adjustment to the budget of the Office of the Vice-President.
“These institutional realignments are part of a wider public sector reform agenda aimed at strengthening coordination, enhancing service delivery and improving operational efficiency within government. Such administrative decisions are routine in the management of government functions, and should not be misconstrued as sidelining the Office of the Vice-President.”
However, Ansah has remained silent on the purported rift that has attracted a response from the Office of the President and Cabinet.
Governance and policy experts have expressed mixed opinions, with some invoking the time-honoured saying: There is no smoke without fire’.
Human Rights Defenders Coalition chairperson Michael Kaiyatsa says based on the available information, the situation points to early signs of a rift.
“When a Vice-President’s roles are reduced and questions arise around funding, it raises legitimate concerns about whether the office is being sidelined,” he says. “While the government has provided some explanations regarding some administrative decisions, these decisions have not been accompanied by sufficient transparency.”
Kaiyatsa argues that lack of clarity creates room for doubt and feeds perceptions of political tension.
He states: “In many scenarios, political actors avoid public confrontation while disagreements play out internally. However, the pattern being observed suggests this goes beyond a simple personality clash. In my view, this is less about individual personalities and more about how power, roles, and resources are being managed within the Executive. If left unaddressed, it risks undermining public confidence in the functioning of these offices.”
Kaiyatsa says the responsibility lies with both sides to provide clear and consistent information as their silence continue to be interpreted as a developing rift.
But National Advocacy Platform chairperson Benedicto Kondowe says at face value, the allegations are difficult to reconcile with the stature and background of Mutharika, a seasoned constitutional lawyer with a demonstrated respect for constitutional order and institutional governance.
The campaigner expect the comeback President’s leadership to uphold and protect constitutional offices, saying it would be unusual for Mutharika to propagate a rift with the Vice-President.
“From an accountability perspective, it is important to recognise that the roles and functions of the Vice‐President are, in practice, largely shaped by delegation from the President. This means there may be legitimate administrative or political reasons for the reassignment or withdrawal of specific responsibilities,” says Kondowe.
He adds: “In the absence of clear and transparent information, such decisions risk fuelling speculation, which can quickly assume the character of established fact.
Kondowe says the absence of a public complaint does not necessarily negate the existence of institutional strain.
He argues that governance tensions are often expressed through patterns of decisions and actions rather than formal disputes.
To Kondowe, the key issue is not whether this is a personality clash or an early rift, but whether the dignity, autonomy and effectiveness of the Office of the Vice-President are being preserved.
He states: “Ultimately, confidence in leadership is strengthened when there is clear, demonstrable fidelity to the Constitution in both form and practice.
“Ensuring that all constitutional offices are treated with respect and fairness will reinforce institutional integrity and public trust and aligns with the President’s expected commitment to uphold the rule of law.”
Weighing in, governance commentator Undule Mwakasungula says in Malawi’s political environment, what is presented publicly as a conflict between principals often reflects deeper internal dynamics within political parties.
He says: “What appears more likely is that the tensions may be linked to broader internal political interests, particularly those related to influence and succession within the governing Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).
“In Malawi’s political parties, internal power struggles are not uncommon, especially when questions of future leadership begin to emerge. In that context, the perception that the VP is being sidelined could be interpreted as part of those internal dynamics rather than purely a matter of personal disagreement between her and the President.”
Mutharika picked Ansah from outside the DPP inner circle as his running mate ahead of the September 16 2025 General Election.
The Malawi Electoral Commision declared the pair’s victory with 3 352 439 votes, representing about 57 percent of the ballots cast.
Mutharika and Ansah defeated sitting president Lazarus Chakwera who paired with Vitumbiko Mumba as his running mate on the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) ticket.
The MCP duo got 1 765 170 votes, representing 33 percent of the vote.
Historically, Presidents and their second-in-command have been having strained working relationships, a trend deceased vice-president Justin Malewezi termed the curse of vice presidents.
In 2003, Malewezi ditched the United Democratic Front and contested as an independent candidate in 2004 following a fallout with former president Bakili Muluzi, who publicly ridiculed him ahead of the polls.
Two years later, Malawi witnessed a similar situation when the late Bingu wa Mutharika disagreed with Cassim Chilumpha, who is still answering a treason case dating back to their antagonism that spiked in 2005.
Chilumpha still UDF when Bingu defected to form DPP, citing widespread corruption and disrespect of the presidency.
During Bingu’s second term, his chosen vice-president Joyce Banda was dismissed from the DPP to pave the way for the younger Mutharika while she went on to form her People’s Party (PP).
DPP lieutenants repeatedly accused Banda of establishing a parallel structure.
When Bingu dropped dead on April 5 2012, Mutharika and other senior Cabinet ministers, nicknamed the Midnight Six, organised a press briefing in the dead of the night to assert that Banda was not eligible to take over from the fallen leader.
However, Banda rose to become Malawi’s first woman president in line with the Constitution which empowers the Vice-President to rise to the helm in case of the President’s death, incapacitation, resignation or impeachment.
In the 2014 Tripartite Election, Banda lost the seat to Mutharika, who handpicked corporate captain, the late Saulos Chilima, as his running mate.
By the close of their tenure in 2019 elections, the pair fell out, with a disgruntled Chilima forming his UTM Party and joining forces with Chakwera to challenge Mutharika’s victory in court.
Mutharika’s narrow re-election in 2019 became the country’s first presidential poll to be successfully challenged in court.
The courts cancelled the result and ordered a fresh poll due to irregularities that they termed widespread and irredeemable.
However, the Tonse Alliance, starring Chakwera and Chilima, hardly survived the jinx as the two enjoyed strained ties, with the vice-president briefly charged with corrupt procurement of military equipment.
